The Countries the New York Times Doesn’t See

Chico Harlan wrote a beautiful article in The New York Times about Malawi, a poor African country struggling with devastating droughts, unpredictable flooding and the destruction of its agricultural economy. Joao Silva’s extraordinary photographs capture the beauty of the landscape and the hardships of the people who depend on it.

It is excellent journalism. But one passage is revealing.

Harlan quotes Malawi’s chief secretary, Justin Saidi, explaining that the government has been appealing to development banks and countries “like Britain and Australia” for assistance in implementing its El Niño preparedness plan.

Australia?

The United States has historically been Malawi’s largest bilateral donor, providing an average of more than $400 million annually between 2017 and 2023. America also contributed millions in emergency assistance during Malawi’s devastating 2024 El Niño drought. Britain has been another important donor, but Australia is nowhere near the top of the list.

Yet readers hear about Australia while America goes unmentioned in the discussion of international assistance.

Even more curious is the absence of Israel.

Israeli-founded Innovation: Africa led by Sivan Yaari has completed more than 200 solar and water projects in Malawi, reportedly benefiting approximately one million people. The organization uses Israeli technology to bring clean water and electricity to rural villages, installing solar-powered pumps and training local residents to maintain the systems.

IsraAID, another Israeli humanitarian organization, responded to Cyclone Freddy in 2023 by rehabilitating damaged boreholes and restoring clean water to more than 100,000 Malawians. Israeli medical organizations have treated children with serious heart conditions, trained healthcare workers and introduced medical technology. The two countries have also developed an agricultural employment partnership that allows Malawians to work in Israel and send money home.

Then there is the recent bonding of Israel and Malawi since the October 7 massacre by Gazans of Israelis. The two countries are becoming much more integrated.

Water, agriculture, healthcare and economic resilience. These are precisely the challenges Harlan describes so effectively.

Harlan is no stranger to either country. His recent reporting has repeatedly criticized American climate and foreign-aid policies, including the Trump administration’s retreat from international climate commitments. His 2018 reporting from Gaza focused on Palestinian casualties during confrontations with Israeli forces.

He also previously worked as a journalist in Sydney, Australia.

Perhaps Malawi’s chief secretary simply offered Britain and Australia as examples. We do not know what else was discussed during the interview or why those particular countries survived the editing process.

A journalist can report every fact accurately and still leave readers with a distorted understanding of the world. The selection of facts, the people interviewed, the questions asked and the information omitted all shape the story.

Harlan’s article makes Malawi’s suffering impossible to ignore. His photographs and reporting deserve praise. Yet readers come away knowing that Malawi is seeking help from Australia, without learning about America’s enormous financial contributions or the Israeli organizations already bringing water, electricity and medical care to Malawian communities.

The most revealing biases in journalism are sometimes found in the facts that never make it onto the page.

The New York Times Invites a Guest to Explain Antisemitic Language

I want to thank The New York Times for publishing today’s guest essay, “The Spanish Shylock Problem,” about the antisemitism embedded in everyday language. It is a welcome subject for a newspaper that has done so much to negatively shape the language used to describe Jews and Israel.

The author focuses on the Royal Spanish Academy, whose official dictionary includes a definition of judío, the Spanish word for Jew, as a miserly or usurious person. In 2024, an Argentine judge ordered the Academy to remove the definition following a campaign by Jewish organizations. The Academy refused, explaining that dictionaries record how people actually use words.

Which came first, the antisemitic stereotype or the dictionary definition? Did the Academy simply record centuries of prejudice, or has its dictionary helped perpetuate that prejudice by presenting Jewish stinginess as an accepted meaning of the word Jew?

The essay could have challenged the stereotype with some actual evidence. A national American survey found that 76% of Jewish households donated to charity, compared with 63% of non-Jewish households. Median annual donations were $1,200 for Jews, twice those of non-Jews. Among Jewish donors, 92% contributed to non-Jewish organizations. Hardly the portrait of a miserly people.

The essay also discusses Spanish expressions associating Jews with secrecy. Here, a little history would have been useful beyond generic persecution to the specific religious nature of the attacks on Jews.

The Spanish Inquisition forced Jews to convert, flee or risk death. The Inquisition existed in Mexico and Latin America for hundreds of years until the 1820s. Many converts continued practicing Judaism secretly, risking imprisonment, torture or execution. Their descendants spread throughout Latin America, where a 2018 genetic study published in Nature Communications found evidence of widespread ancestry – 23 percent! – associated with converso migration.

The persecutors forced Jews into secrecy. Their descendants inherited a language that characterized Jews as secretive.

Society has shown that it can change its vocabulary. Polite society has largely abandoned the N-word, recognizing it as an ugly racial slur. Muslim organizations have campaigned to separate Islam from terrorism, arguing that the association unfairly casts suspicion on nearly two billion Muslims rather than the radical jihadists responsible for terrorist attacks.

Yet centuries-old stereotypes about Jews remain embedded in dictionaries, journalism and everyday speech. The willingness to reconsider offensive language seems to stop when Jews are the subject.

William Safire spent decades examining the origins and meanings of words in his celebrated New York Times column, “On Language.” He understood how much a single word could convey.

In July 2014, as antisemitic attacks swept across Europe during the Gaza war, three Times articles described the protests as having an antisemitic “tinge.” A slight whiff of Jew-hatred. Dan Bilefsky used the expression on July 21, Helene Cooper and Somini Sengupta on July 24, and Jodi Rudoren on July 27.

And what was going on? On July 20, anti-Israel rioters attacked a synagogue in the Paris suburb of Sarcelles, while Jewish businesses were looted. A week earlier, demonstrators in Paris had threatened synagogues, chanting “Death to the Jews” and “Hitler was right.” French Prime Minister Manuel Valls condemned the violence, explicitly identifying the attacks on Jewish institutions as antisemitism and racism.

A “tinge” of antisemitism.

The newspaper seemed determined to preserve the distinction between criticism of Israel and antisemitism, even when protesters themselves had erased it. Calling the hatred a “tinge” allowed the events to remain principally political demonstrations, with antisemitism appearing as an unfortunate side effect.

“Pro-Palestinian demonstrations are continuing in Paris, Berlin, Vienna, Amsterdam and other European cities, some of them assuming an anti-Semitic tinge.” – New York Times article on July 24, 2014, “As Much of the World Frowns on Israel, Americans Hold Out Support”

The Spanish Academy says it merely records how people speak. The Times cannot hide behind that explanation. Its journalists and editors decide how events are described, which words are emphasized and what readers are encouraged to believe.

I appreciate today’s guest essay. It is refreshing to see the Times devote space to the antisemitism that survives in ordinary language, especially as The Times has spent years choosing the words through which readers understand Jews and Israel.

It might begin its examination of antisemitic language with the words it chooses itself.

Many Faiths. One Uniform.

More than a quarter-million Jewish Americans are military veterans. So are 145,000 Orthodox Christians, 121,000 Buddhists, 85,000 Latter-day Saints and 62,000 Muslims.

The Department of Veterans Affairs published a breakdown of living veterans by religious affiliation in 2020, offering a remarkable picture of military service among America’s minority religious communities. Comparing those numbers with the adult population of each faith reveals another dimension of their contributions.

Religious communityVeterans% of adults
Jewish276,6384.8%
Orthodox Christian145,61611.3%
Buddhist120,9925.9%
Latter-day Saint84,9222.5%
Muslim62,3753.0%
Shinto40,799—
Hindu16,0061.2%
Sikh3,379—
All U.S. adults18.5 million7.3%
Sources: Department of Veterans Affairs (2020), Pew Research Center and PRRI.

The differences are striking. Orthodox Christians have an estimated veteran share above the national average, while Buddhists and Jews fall below it. Latter-day Saints, Muslims and Hindus have smaller percentages of living veterans relative to their adult populations.

Part of the explanation is demographic. Veterans are disproportionately older Americans. Religious communities established in the United States for generations have had more opportunities to accumulate living veterans, while communities that expanded rapidly through recent immigration are generally younger.

But percentages tell only part of the story. The history of military service among America’s religious minorities is extraordinary.

More than 550,000 Jewish Americans served during World War II, fighting an enemy systematically exterminating Jews across Europe. Approximately 11,000 died in military service.

Japanese American soldiers, including Buddhists, fought for the United States while many of their families were imprisoned in American internment camps. The 442nd Regimental Combat Team became one of the most decorated units of its size in American military history.

Sikhs have served in the American military for more than a century, sometimes confronting regulations that restricted their religious practices. Expanded military accommodations for turbans, beards and uncut hair have made it easier for observant Sikhs to serve while maintaining their faith.

These histories reflect different paths into American life. Some families have served for generations. Others arrived more recently, bringing religious traditions that were unfamiliar to much of the country. Their service also reflects a distinctive American promise: people can maintain their religious identities while participating fully in the nation’s defense.

On Veterans Day, we do not ask how our veterans prayed. We remember what they were willing to sacrifice so the rest of us could pray as we choose.


Sources

A Morocco Plan for Israel

The United Nations may have discovered a new approach to resolving territorial disputes. It is called accepting reality.

For fifty years, Morocco has controlled most of Western Sahara, a former Spanish colony. It has built cities, roads, ports and businesses, and encouraged Moroccans to make their homes there. Their children and grandchildren have grown up knowing no other home.

The indigenous Sahrawi people have long demanded independence. In 1991, the UN established a peacekeeping mission to organize a referendum on their future. The vote never happened.

So Morocco continued developing the territory while the UN continued demanding self-determination. For decades, neither side moved.

Recently, something remarkable happened.

In October 2025, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 2797, making Morocco’s proposal for Sahrawi autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty the basis for negotiations. The UN was prepared to consider a future that accommodated Moroccan control rather than reversed it.

“a just, lasting, and mutually acceptable solution to the dispute; affirming
that genuine autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty could constitute a most feasible solution; and further welcoming the commitment of Council members to facilitate progress” – UNSC Resolution 2797

A year later, the Security Council failed to renew the referendum mission. After 35 years, the UN was closing a mission that had never held its referendum.

Consider what this means for Israel.

In 1967, Israel took control of Judea and Samaria, including eastern Jerusalem, from Jordan. Jordan had seized the territory in 1948 and annexed it in 1950, an illegal claim that received almost no international recognition. During Jordanian rule, Jewish communities were ethnically cleansed, including from the Old City of Jerusalem and Gush Etzion.

Jews had lived in these places long before 1948. Hebron, Bethlehem, Shiloh and Beit El are central to Jewish history and religion. The Jewish connection to these places predates Morocco, Spain and the United Nations. In modern times, the lands were central to the international Palestine Mandate establishing a Jewish homeland.

Today, more than half a million Jews live in Judea and Samaria. They have built communities, schools, synagogues and businesses. Their children and grandchildren have grown up knowing no other home.

Israel has not formally annexed Judea and Samaria, although some Israeli leaders advocate doing so. Yet the UN continues to demand an end to Jewish construction, including natural growth, and declares Jewish communities established since 1967 to have no legal validity.

The UN is now prepared to negotiate a solution in which Sahrawis could govern their own affairs without requiring Moroccan families to abandon their homes. Why should the same possibility be excluded for Palestinian Arabs and Jews?

A Morocco Plan for Israel would begin with the people who actually live there. Palestinian Arabs would govern their own affairs, with meaningful political and civil rights. Jewish communities would remain. Sovereignty and security would be negotiated without making the removal of Jewish families a prerequisite.

For decades, the UN has condemned Israel for changing the demographic realities of Judea and Samaria. In Western Sahara, it has now made those same realities the starting point for negotiations.

Perhaps the UN has learned something from Morocco. It is time to apply that lesson to Israel.

A Fresh Start on Immigration

The November elections offer an opportunity to reconsider how governments should treat people who have lived for decades in communities where their legal right to remain is challenged.

Hundreds of thousands have built their lives in these communities. They work, pay taxes, own homes, establish businesses and raise families. They have become part of the social and economic fabric of the places they call home.

Many were born there. Their parents and grandparents established roots decades ago. They attend local schools, speak the language and know no other home. Why should children bear the consequences of decisions made before they were born?

Critics argue that their presence violates the law and that granting legal recognition would reward unlawful behavior. But laws can change, and governments must weigh legal obligations against the human consequences of uprooting established communities.

Mass removal would separate families from their homes, destroy businesses and empty neighborhoods. Decades of peaceful residence create human interests that cannot simply be dismissed.

These are familiar arguments in the American debate over immigration enforcement and the treatment of undocumented immigrants.

Those same humanitarian considerations arise in another debate involving more than half a million Jews living in Judea and Samaria.

An ancient doorway in Herodium in Judea, sealed with rocks until it can be secured (photo: First One Through)

Those advocating changes to ICE’s enforcement policies emphasize family unity and the human costs of removal. Those principles can also inform discussions about Jewish communities in Judea and Samaria.

Imagine French Leftists Opposing a Tibetan Real Estate Fair

Imagine Tibetan Buddhist monks helping organize a private real estate fair in Paris for Tibetan families interested in buying homes in their ancestral homeland.

As a matter of politics, China governs Tibet and considers it an integral part of its territory and rejects Tibetan independence. As a matter of religion, history and heritage, Tibetans have maintained their connections to their homeland for centuries.

The real estate event is a test between these viewpoints.

The fair brings together developers, real estate agents, lawyers and families considering where to live, raise children and rebuild their communities. But against this personal desire, imagine French left-wing politicians and activists calling for the fair to be prohibited, accusing organizers of facilitating international crimes and questioning whether French citizens relocating there should continue receiving consular services.

There would undoubtedly be questions about why a private gathering of families and property professionals had become the subject of such political scrutiny.

Now replace the Tibetan families with Jewish families, and Tibet with Israel.

On November 15, the privately organized Icube Israeli real estate fair is scheduled to hold its 95th edition in Paris. Established in 1990, the fair brings together developers, brokers, lawyers, financial advisers and families interested in purchasing homes in Israel. It has enflamed anti-Israel agitators and politicians.

Aymeric Caron called for authorities to prohibit an October aliyah fair, alleging that it promoted immigration to what he described as illegal Israeli settlements.

Ersilia Soudais reportedly sought cancellation of similar events in Paris, Marseille and Lyon.

Andrée Taurinya accused French authorities of “complicit silence” for allowing aliyah fairs and raised allegations of complicity in war crimes. She also proposed restrictions on consular services for French citizens living in Jewish communities in Judea and Samaria.

Sylvie Ferrer, in a November 3 parliamentary question, specifically raised concerns about the upcoming November 15 Icube event, citing its previous exhibitors and alleged connections to settlement-related projects.

The controversy has also reached the media. TRT Français has published critical coverage of Israeli real estate fairs in Paris, highlighting allegations about properties in disputed territories and reporting calls for demonstrations against the events.

All this is unfolding in France, where antisemitic incidents have increased sharply and many Jewish families are reconsidering their future.

If there would be no outcry of Tibetan monks holding a real estate fair to buy property in Tibet, there should be no cause célèbre for Jews buying property in the Jewish holy land.

They Rebranded The Jihad And Joined It

Hamas called its October 7, 2023 war “Al-Aqsa Flood”. The name announced its ambition to ignite a religious war that would mobilize the Muslim world against Israel and ultimately destroy the Jewish state.

The attack began in southern Israel, far from Jerusalem. Hamas terrorists invaded Jewish communities, murdered families, raped and slaughtered young people at a music festival, and dragged 251 hostages into Gaza. Yet the operation was named for Al-Aqsa Mosque, on the Temple Mount, Judaism’s holiest site.

Al Aqsa Mosque
Al Aqsa Mosque (photo: First One Through)

Jerusalem was the rallying cry. The destruction of Israel was the objective.

Hamas’s 1988 founding charter called for Israel’s destruction via jihad, invoked religious teachings about killing Jews, and envisioned an Islamic Palestine encompassing the entire land.

On October 7, Hamas military commander Mohammed Deif called on Muslims throughout the region to join the battle. He summoned armed organizations in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, and Yemen and appealed to Arabs in Jerusalem, the Negev, the Galilee, and across Israel to rise up. Al-Aqsa, located on the site of the ancient Jewish Temples, provided the religious banner under which Hamas hoped to unite Muslims across national borders.

“Today, the people are bringing back the revolution and reviving the March of return.” [Arabs in Jerusalem and inside Israel, in the Negev, the Galilee and the Triangle area:] “set the earth on fire under the feet of the occupiers.” – Mohammed Deif on October 7, 2023

Hezbollah answered the following day, attacking Israel from Lebanon. The Houthis subsequently launched missiles and drones from Yemen and attacked commercial shipping in the Red Sea. Iranian-backed militias joined the fighting from Iraq and Syria. Iran, which had spent decades arming and financing organizations dedicated to Israel’s destruction, eventually attacked Israel directly.

The war spread across the region, drawing in Iran’s network of armed allies. The broader Muslim uprising Hamas sought, however, never materialized. Egypt and Jordan maintained their peace treaties with Israel. Saudi Arabia stayed out of the fighting. Muslim-majority countries across Asia and Africa condemned Israel’s military campaign but kept their armies at home.

Most revealing was the response of Israeli Arabs, whom Deif had specifically called upon to rise against Israel, hoping they would further their war against the Jews they had started in May 2021.

Yet they overwhelmingly stayed out of the fighting. A December 2023 Israel Democracy Institute survey found that 56% agreed the October 7 attack did not reflect the values of Arab society, the Palestinian people, or Islam. Nearly two-thirds felt part of Israel and its problems, while 86.5% supported civilian volunteering during the war. [Note that the Israeli Arab response about feeling part of Israel varied by religion: Druze (80%), Christians (73%) and Muslims (62%)].

Israeli Muslims had access to Al-Aqsa. They could judge Hamas’s claims about the mosque against their own experience.

Israeli Muslim women descend from the Temple Mount (photo: First One Through)

While Hamas’s appeal for a mass Muslim uprising went largely unanswered, a very different movement was taking shape thousands of miles away.

On October 12, five days after the massacre, National Students for Justice in Palestine organized a “Day of Resistance” on American college campuses. Its organizing materials celebrated October 7 massacre as a historic victory for Palestinian resistance and called for the dismantling of Zionism.

“Long live October 7th” banner in New York City

The language spread through campuses, demonstrations, and activist networks. Some Western radicals celebrated the attack on Israeli civilians as resistance against colonialism. Hamas’s religious struggle acquired the vocabulary of progressive politics that had been promoted on campuses over the prior decade.

As the war continued, international attention increasingly centered on Israel’s military campaign, Palestinian civilian suffering, and smears of apartheid, colonialism, and genocide. Within activist narratives celebrating October 7, Hamas’s original declaration of a religious war and its eliminationist objectives disappeared behind the language of so-called “liberation.”

Hamas declared a jihad against the Jewish state but Israeli Arabs overwhelmingly declined the call. Yet Western radicals thousands of miles away celebrated the massacre as “liberation,” volunteering to become the political instruments of a jihad they mistook for social justice.

A Jewish Glass Ceiling on the American Dream

The American Dream promises that anyone can achieve anything. Build a business, accumulate wealth, enter politics and shape culture. Pursue your ambitions without an artificial ceiling imposed by your ancestry or religion.

Unless, according to antisemitic conspiracy theories, you are Jewish.

For centuries, Jews have been accused of controlling banks, manipulating politicians, owning the media and starting wars. The accusations change with the times, but the underlying claim remains: Jews possess too much power, and that power is dangerous.

Nazi Germany defined Jews by ancestry. Fighting for Germany, converting to Christianity, marrying a non-Jew or even supporting Hitler could not erase Jewish ancestry. As explored in What Does a Jew Have to Do to Be Accepted?, there was no reliable way to become acceptable under Nazi racial ideology.

The contemporary jihadi-socialist alliance presents a different challenge. Some of its rhetoric portrays Zionists and Jewish institutions as part of a privileged elite, accused of colonialism, oppression and Jewish supremacy. The objection is framed not simply around Jewish ancestry, but around Jewish power.

Left-wing media The Nation, described the grassroots organizing to oust unpopular incumbent Congressman Jamaal Bowman as a fight waged by Jewish billionaires against a poor Black man

That suggests a different solution. If Jews have too much power, perhaps they can become acceptable by surrendering some of it.

But how much?

A Jewish businessman can succeed, but at some undefined level of wealth, as success becomes evidence of financial domination. A Jewish politician can gain influence, but too much influence becomes proof of a conspiracy. Jewish writers, journalists and entertainers can flourish, until their achievements are portrayed as Jewish control over American culture.

How much Jewish wealth is acceptable? How many Jewish members of Congress? How many newspapers, universities or businesses may Jews lead before their achievements become threatening?

There is no published limit. No established threshold.

The conspiracy theory supplies its own answer: Jewish success is evidence of Jewish power, and Jewish power is something to fear.

This is a peculiar kind of glass ceiling. Jews are not necessarily prevented from achieving success. They are condemned for achieving too much of it. The ceiling becomes visible only after they have supposedly crossed it.

Perhaps Jews should stop contributing to political campaigns, lobbying Congress or advocating for their interests. Perhaps they should withdraw from finance, become less prominent in entertainment and apologize for their prosperity.

Would that make them acceptable?

What about their synagogues? Jewish institutions increasingly rely on security guards, police protection and barriers against attacks. Should Jews abandon those protections to demonstrate that they enjoy no special privileges? Must Jewish worshippers accept intimidation outside their synagogues to prove they deserve no more protection than anyone else?

And what about Israel?

Americans routinely celebrate their ancestral homelands which is a core part of Judaism. Yet Jewish support for Israel is sometimes portrayed as evidence of divided loyalty or Jewish supremacy. Must American Jews abandon their homeland and support for the Jewish state or distance themselves from Jewish organizations to demonstrate that they are acceptable Americans?

Is there an emerging demand that Jews can participate in American society, provided they never become too wealthy, too influential, too visible or too supportive of Israel? An invisible glass ceiling over Jewish achievement, with the height determined by those who resent it.

That is not the American Dream.

In 1790, George Washington wrote to the Hebrew Congregation in Newport, Rhode Island: “It is now no more that toleration is spoken of, as if it was by the indulgence of one class of people, that another enjoyed the exercise of their inherent natural rights.”

George Washington’s letter to the Hebrew Congregation in Newport

Washington rejected the idea that Jews lived in America by the generosity of a Christian majority. Their rights were inherent. They could worship, prosper, participate in government and pursue their ambitions without asking permission. There was no provision that Jews must remain sufficiently poor, powerless or inconspicuous to avoid offending others.

The demand that Jews surrender their supposed power would turn Washington’s promise upside down. Political participation becomes a privilege. Economic success becomes an offense. Supporting Israel becomes a test of American loyalty. The American Dream becomes something Jews may pursue only until their success makes someone uncomfortable.

That is unacceptable.

The American Dream has no Jewish ceiling. Those who would impose one are challenging something far greater than Jewish success.

Jewish Students for America

What Does a Jew Have to Do to Be Accepted?

Kristallnacht, November 9, 1938 – November 9, 2026

Imagine being a Jew living in Germany in 1910, with the extraordinary ability to see the future. You know that Adolf Hitler will come to power in 1933, that antisemitic laws will follow, and that on November 9, 1938, synagogues will burn across Germany and Austria.

You love Germany. Your family has lived there for generations. You want to remain in your homeland, raise your children and grow old among your neighbors. What should you do over the next 28 years to ensure that you and your family will be accepted?

Perhaps you should enter government service immediately.

Excellent idea. On April 7, 1933, the Nazis enacted the Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service, removing Jews from government employment. But Jews who had entered service before August 1, 1914, were exempted.

Perhaps you should fight for Germany in World War I.

Another excellent decision. Jewish veterans who had fought at the front were also exempted from the 1933 civil service purge. Even Jews whose fathers or sons had died fighting for Germany received protection under that law. Some 12,000 German Jews died fighting for their country during World War I. Surely that counted for something.

Moritz Daniel Oppenheim (1800-1882), Die Jahrzeit (Minjan), 1871

Perhaps you should marry a Christian German woman, convert to Christianity and raise your children as Christians.

That might offer additional protection. Conversion would not change your racial classification under Nazi law, but an existing marriage to a non-Jewish German could affect how the authorities treated your family.

Monument in Berlin, Germany for the German women who fought to save their Jewish husbands from death in the Nazi concentration camps. (photo: FirstOneThrough)

Or perhaps you should go even further. What if you supported Hitler himself?

You could embrace German nationalism, reject Jewish communal organizations, vote for the Nazi Party and seek to join its ranks. You could agree with its economic program, its hostility to communism and its promise to restore German greatness.

Would becoming a Nazi make you an acceptable Jew?

No. The Nazi Party generally excluded Jews from membership, and its racial laws did not reward Jewish ancestry with exemption because someone supported Hitler. Political loyalty could not transform a Jew into an Aryan. You might have agreed with every Nazi policy except its treatment of Jews. That disagreement would not have saved you.

And the other strategies were unraveling.

In 1935, the Nazis eliminated the civil service protections for Jewish veterans and longtime government employees. The Nuremberg Laws stripped Jews of full citizenship rights and prohibited marriages between Jews and people classified as German or related blood.

By 1938, German Jews faced escalating economic exclusion, confiscation of property, arrests and expulsions.

Consider Victor Klemperer, a German professor, World War I veteran, Protestant convert and husband of a non-Jewish German woman. He had embraced German culture and served his country. The Nazis nevertheless classified him as Jewish and dismissed him from his professorship in 1935.

On November 9, 1938, Nazi-organized mobs burned synagogues, destroyed Jewish businesses, attacked Jewish homes and arrested tens of thousands of Jewish men. The German Jew who had spent decades demonstrating his patriotism could watch his synagogue burn alongside the synagogue of the Jew who had never sought to assimilate.

Interior of synagogue torched during Kristallnacht

Eighty-eight years later, Jews across the diaspora face a renewed surge in antisemitism and questions about what makes them acceptable. In 2021, CAIR leader Zahra Billoo warned Muslims against the “polite Zionists,” including Jewish Federations, Hillel and synagogues. Even Jews who had stood alongside Muslims against discrimination were not necessarily friends. “Know your enemies,” she said.

So what should a Jew do today? Become an anti-Zionist? Denounce Israel? Turn against Jewish organizations? Would that finally be enough?

The German Jew of 1910 could spend the next 28 years changing everything about himself and still discover that he had changed nothing in the eyes of those who hated him.

There is no winning a contest in which someone else keeps changing the rules.

Jews should decide what they believe, whom they support and how they live their lives. The moment they begin making those decisions to satisfy people who demand that they become a different kind of Jew, they have already surrendered something far more important than approval.

Tehillim for When Things Go Right

If your synagogue is like mine, every morning after Shacharit since the October 7 massacre, the congregation has collectively recited two chapters of Tehillim (Psalms). We have prayed for the hostages, the wounded, the families consumed by the war, and the soldiers still fighting the terrorist regimes surrounding Israel.

This morning, just before the recitation began, a member of the minyan offered good wishes to another congregant who was making aliyah to Israel that evening. He and his wife would be joining their son, who serves in the Israel Defense Forces, and their new daughter-in-law. Hopefully, many more smachot, joyous occasions, await them in their new home.

It was a wonderful moment. But then we proceeded with the same two chapters of Tehillim.

I think we missed an opportunity.

We have become accustomed to reciting Psalms when something is wrong. We pray for healing, protection, salvation and the return of those in danger. But there are also moments when we should gather to celebrate what is right.

Throughout Shacharit, we recite numerous chapters and verses of Tehillim. They praise God’s greatness, celebrate His creation, recount His miracles, express gratitude for His kindness and affirm His justice. Some call upon all humanity to praise God. Others speak of Jerusalem, the Jewish people and the ultimate redemption.

Yet Psalm 128, all of six verses, offers something different. It celebrates the blessings of an ordinary, happy Jewish life.

The Psalm begins with a person who fears God and walks in His ways:

“When you eat the labor of your hands, you shall be happy, and it shall be well with you.”

It continues with the blessings of marriage and family:

“Your wife shall be like a fruitful vine in the recesses of your house; your children like olive plants around your table.”

The Psalm then expands from the home to the Jewish homeland:

“May the Lord bless you from Zion, and may you see the prosperity of Jerusalem all the days of your life. And may you see your children’s children. Peace upon Israel.”

In six short verses, the Psalm moves from meaningful work to marriage, children, grandchildren, Jerusalem and peace upon Israel. There is no mention of wealth, fame or power. Happiness is found in building a good life, enjoying one’s family and seeing the next generation flourish in the Jewish homeland.

What better Psalm to recite for a family making aliyah, joining their children in Israel and beginning a new chapter of their lives?

And what better Psalm to recite every Shabbat?

For six days, we work to provide for our families and build our lives. On Shabbat, we stop working and enjoy the fruits of that labor. Families gather around the table. Parents enjoy their children. Grandparents celebrate another generation.

Psalm 128 describes precisely what we hope to experience on Shabbat, connecting the happiness of our homes to the prosperity of Jerusalem and the peace of Israel.

Synagogues should make Psalm 128 a regular part of Shabbat morning, just before Kiddush. Six verses to celebrate the blessings of family, meaningful work, Jewish continuity and our homeland.

We know how to come together to ask God for what we are missing. We should be just as practiced at celebrating what He has given us.