The Pro-Palestinian Ratchet Just Went Into Reverse

For two years, Europe’s movement against Israel looked like a one-way ratchet.

After October 7, governments that had resisted recognizing a Palestinian state for decades suddenly did so. Spain, Ireland, Norway and Slovenia moved in 2024, followed by additional countries in 2025. Each recognition was celebrated as permanent diplomatic progress for the Palestinians and another irreversible loss for Israel.

But then Slovenia held an election and the government that recognized Palestine lost. The new right-of-center government is dramatically more pro-Israel, with discussion of reversing Palestinian recognition and moving Slovenia’s embassy to Jerusalem.

Palestine didn’t lose Slovenia because Israel won an argument. It lost Slovenia because Slovenia changed governments.

Slovenia is small but the precedent isn’t.

France and Spain vote in 2027. Both have been important forces behind Europe’s turn against Israel. Both could move rightward. Spain, in particular, has become one of Israel’s most antagonistic governments in Western Europe under Pedro Sánchez, and parties on the right are predicted to do well.

If Slovenia is a preview, the supposedly permanent European diplomatic shift after October 7 may prove to have been something much less permanent: the policies of a particular collection of governments at a particular moment.

But before France and Spain vote comes Israeli elections in October 2026.

A new Israeli government could deprive European politicians of the convenient ability to present hostility toward Israel as merely opposition to Benjamin Netanyahu. Or a reelected Netanyahu would carry something different: a fresh democratic mandate from Israelis after October 7 and the wars that followed.

Whichever way Israeli elections go, France and Spain would be making their choices in a new political environment.

And Donald Trump will still be in the White House.

That matters particularly for Spain. Trump and Sánchez have already clashed repeatedly, while Washington remains closely aligned with Israel. A future Spanish government could therefore inherit not merely an opportunity to repair relations with Jerusalem, but an incentive to move closer to Washington at the same time.

Israel should be preparing for that possibility now. That means building relationships with plausible future governments before they take office.

Israel and pro-Israel organizations – including global evangelical groups – should be talking now with the parties, parliamentarians, foreign-policy advisers and prospective ministers who could govern France and Spain in 2027. And those conversations should extend beyond defending Israel to demonstrating what closer relations offer: defense, intelligence, technology and trade.

Israel should also have a menu ready for the morning after an election: reconsider Palestinian recognition, change hostile UN voting, reverse restrictions on Israel and deepen bilateral relations—including, where politically possible, moving embassies to Jerusalem. Importantly, in the immediate present, Israel can show the world via Slovenia the benefits of close diplomatice ties.

For the past two years, Israel has treated every European move toward Palestine as another irreversible diplomatic loss.
Slovenia just demonstrated that the ratchet works both ways.

Governments can change. And when they do, Israel should be ready to make the ratchet click backward again.

The Porcupine and the Nakba

A predator attacks a porcupine expecting an easy meal. Instead, it gets a face full of quills.

Photograph the predator afterward and it may look like the victim. Its wounds are real. Its suffering is real. But the photograph is missing the most important fact: it attacked the porcupine.

That injured predator Nakba’d itself.

Consider Argentina in 1982. It invaded the Falkland Islands expecting Britain to accept the conquest. Britain sailed across the Atlantic, fought back and retook them. Hundreds of Argentine servicemen died, including 323 when a British submarine sank the General Belgrano.

Begin the story with the sinking and Britain looks like the aggressor. Begin it with Argentina’s invasion and you understand why British forces were there.
Chronology changes the story.

Which is core of the word Nakba.

In 1947, the United Nations proposed Jewish and Arab states for two people with long ties to the area of Palestine, one for Jews who had ruled for hundreds of years in the land, and one for local Arabs who aspired to their own country. Jewish leaders accepted partition while Arab leaders rejected it. After Israel declared independence in May 1948, armies of five neighboring Arab states entered the war against the reborn Jewish state.

The Arab calculation was breathtaking.

Only three years after the Holocaust, a tiny Jewish state was filled in part with survivors and refugees. Six million Jews had just been murdered. Its enemies looked at a shattered people surrounded by a much larger Arab world and saw weakness.

They mistook vulnerability for helplessness.

They attacked the porcupine. And they lost.

Israel survived. Hundreds of thousands of Palestinian Arabs fled the battlefield as they waited for their Arab brothers to wipe out the Jews. And they lost the war they launched. In the end, Israel ended the fighting with more territory than the UN partition plan had allocated it.

Palestinian Arabs named their defeat “al-Nakba” — the Catastrophe. But over time, their catastrophe became a romanticized socialist-jihadi word stripped of its rejection of coexistence and fervor for extermination of Jews, even as the sentiments remained deeply embedded in Arab culture.

Still, the photojournalists showed the wounds as evidence of who must have been the victim.

So the Nakba lives on.

Hamas demonstrated that Israel was vulnerable, murdering 1,200 civilians and soldiers and abducting 250 hostages. When Israel fought back Gaza suffered terrible destruction. Once again, the world’s camera focused on the wounded predator rather than the beginning of the encounter.

The Gazans Nakba’d themselves again. They attacked, suffered, and then pointed to their injuries in a plee.

The animal kingdom does it. The quills can be devastating. But the story is clear.

Stop the hatred. Stop the attacks. Stop the complaining after losing the fight you sought and launched.

Will the Land Feed Us or Eat Us?

The Promised Land is repeatedly described as “a land flowing with milk and honey.” It sounds like a simple promise of abundance. But for the Israelites, food carried a deeper meaning. Food was the reason their ancestors ended up in Egypt.

Three times in Genesis, famine strikes Canaan. Abraham leaves for Egypt. Isaac faces another famine but is commanded by God to remain. When famine comes in Jacob’s generation, his sons go to Egypt for grain. Eventually the entire family follows. They go because their land cannot feed them. They stay long enough to become slaves.

Seen against that history, “a land flowing with milk and honey” is more than a promise of fertile soil. It is a promise of independence. You will have a land that can feed you. You will not have to leave it to survive or depend upon another nation for the food that keeps you alive.

Deuteronomy makes the promise explicit: “a land in which you will eat bread without scarcity, in which you will lack nothing.”

The Exodus therefore does not really end when Israel leaves Egypt. Nor does it end in the desert, where the people remain dependent upon manna falling each morning. It ends when they can live from their own land.

That makes the report of the spies remarkable. They enter Canaan and find exactly what God promised. They return carrying its enormous fruit and concede: “It indeed flows with milk and honey.” They cannot say the land will not feed Israel. So they invert the warning. “It is a land that eats its inhabitants.” Eretz ochelet yoshveha. A land that eats those who live in it.

Genesis presented the danger of a land that could not feed the Jews, forcing them to leave. The spies imagine the opposite danger. The land will produce abundantly, but the Jews who enter it will be consumed.

The Promised Land will become their tomb.

The dispute is therefore not really about agriculture. Everyone has seen the fruit. It is about whether Jews can survive in their own land. Joshua and Caleb believe they can. The other spies do not. They can imagine Jews surviving in Egypt, even as slaves. They have watched Jews survive in the desert through miracles. What they cannot imagine is Jews entering their own land, defending it, cultivating it and sustaining themselves there.

Jewish history would give that argument an extraordinary afterlife.

Jews established themselves in the land, lost their sovereignty and spent centuries living among other nations, dependent upon those nations for permission to remain. They were welcomed and expelled, protected and persecuted. Again and again, Jews had to leave one place and seek survival somewhere else.

The modern return to Israel was therefore a return not merely to territory, but to the promise behind the milk and honey: Jews would once again sustain themselves, defend themselves and build a society that did not depend upon another country’s willingness to shelter them.

They succeeded beyond what the spies could have imagined. A poor and vulnerable country became one of the Middle East’s most advanced economies, producing food, technology, medicine and military power and selling its innovations around the world.

Yet the ancient question has not disappeared. Israel still depends upon alliances, foreign markets and imported goods, as modern nations do. It worries whether its most talented people will remain and build there. It receives substantial American military support while hostile powers seek increasingly dangerous weapons and some openly call for the destruction of the Jewish state.

Self-sufficiency does not mean isolation. No modern country survives alone. The deeper promise is that Jews should possess enough economic, military and human strength that they are never again forced to abandon their home simply to survive.

For centuries, Jews were forced to leave one country after another. They finally returned to the land their ancestors had feared entering and built a country capable of feeding, defending and sustaining them.

Yet the spies’ fear still hovers over the Jewish state: could the land in which Jews finally learned to defend themselves also become the place where their enemies destroy them? The question is as old as the spies and as current as Israel itself.

Will the land feed us—or eat us?

The Grave, Person and Prayer

I have a somewhat different view of cemeteries from many people in Orthodox Jewish circles.

Many Jews visit the graves of famous rabbis and holy figures to pray. Friends travel to the Ohel in Queens, where the last Lubavitcher Rebbe is buried, or to the graves of Maimonides and other celebrated rabbis in Israel. I have never felt comfortable doing so.

My inclination begins with the Bible’s account of Moses. He died alone, outside the Land of Israel, and his burial place remains unknown. That detail does not appear incidental. In the Torah’s final lines, it seems almost deliberate: Moses was the greatest prophet, yet his grave was not to become a shrine. His teachings were to remain sacred, but his physical remains were not to become a destination or an intermediary.

When I asked friends why they visit the graves of holy people, they offered several explanations.

The first was that a righteous person enjoyed a special relationship with God, and that the place where such a person is buried therefore offers a closer portal to the divine.

The second was that a place where people have gathered in prayer for generations acquires a special spiritual character.

The third was that traveling deliberately to a particular place changes the visitor. The journey creates focus, humility and a frame of mind that may be difficult to achieve in ordinary surroundings.

The first explanation, I believe, is both the most common and the most troubling. The suggestion that the physical remains of a holy person can function as a medium to God comes dangerously close to the very impulse the Torah appears to guard against by concealing Moses’s grave. It risks replacing the person’s teachings with the person’s body.

A better way to preserve a righteous person’s connection to God is to study that person’s work, absorb his ideas and live according to his example. His thoughts, not his remains, should serve as the conduit. A grave contains the body he left behind. His Torah contains what he gave the world.

The second and third explanations are different. They do not necessarily treat the deceased as an intermediary. Instead, they recognize the power of place.

A site shaped by centuries of prayer may carry historical and emotional meaning. A family grave may help a child remember a parent, confront loss, express gratitude or recover a sense of continuity. Some people can reach that state of reflection anywhere. Others need a physical place that separates the moment from ordinary life.

And here is where the role of rabbis becomes interesting. How to handle a common situation and desire whose motivation is the dividing line between something permissible and not?

Orthodox Judaism frequently erects legal fences around conduct that may lead toward something prohibited. The belief that a deceased holy person can provide privileged access to God would seem to warrant precisely such caution. The practice risks sliding from remembrance into mediation, and from reverence into something uncomfortably close to worship.

But visiting a grave for memory, history, mourning or personal reflection does not necessarily carry the same danger. The distinction lies in what the visitor believes is happening there. Is the dead person being asked to act, or is the living person being moved to remember, think and pray?

That distinction deserves serious consideration as the Jewish community buries soldiers and victims of terror, cares for those carrying lasting injuries, remembers those who uplifted and supported the community, and confronts antisemitism on a scale not experienced in decades. Cemeteries will inevitably become increasingly powerful places of collective visitation and reflection.

They can remind us of sacrifice, courage, wisdom and the unfinished obligations of the living. But the grave should point beyond itself. It should direct us not toward the power of the dead, but toward the lives they led, the ideas they carried and the responsibilities they have left to us.

The Conspiracy They Somehow Missed

A satire.

Every era has its favorite conspiracy.

Today, one corner of the internet insists Jeffrey Epstein wasn’t merely a criminal but part of a vast Mossad operation. It emerged in the mainstream as recently parroted by Vice President JD Vance.

Another conspiracy theory surrounds UFOs visiting Earth for decades, governments hiding crashed spacecraft, and ordinary Americans being routinely abducted in the middle of the night.

Oddly enough, these two groups have spent years talking past one another.

Until now.

Because once you’ve accepted both theories, there is only one remaining conclusion: Jews are from outer space, just as Mel Brooks told you years ago.

The conspiracy theorists spent years saying Epstein worked for Mossad and that aliens walk among us. Maybe Epstein wasn’t working for the Mossad as much as the Mossad was working for the aliens.

You think it’s a coincidence that Israel – a country smaller than New Jersey – has more technology startups per capita than almost anywhere else on Earth? Back on their home planet, Israeli cybersecurity is considered an eighth-grade science project. Artificial intelligence? Homework.

Israeli entrepreneurs don’t invent technology. They import it.

Because Israel isn’t merely a country. It’s the portal.

Jerusalem became holy because that’s where the first extraterrestrials landed. Long before Abraham, the Galactic Federation designated the site as Landing Zone One.

Humans eventually built temples there because they mistook the landing pad for sacred architecture.

The Western Wall? The only surviving section of the original intergalactic arrival terminal after the Romans demolished the rest during an unfortunate urban renewal project.

The Dead Sea Scrolls? Maintenance manuals.

The menorah? A seven-port charging station.

Moses didn’t part the Red Sea. He accidentally activated the anti-gravity system.

Today, the signals are in plain sight:

  • Cholent isn’t food. It’s fusion-reactor fuel. It cooks overnight because spacecraft recharge slowly.
  • Challah is braided because that’s the optimal shape for stabilizing wormholes.
  • The shofar isn’t a ram’s horn. It’s an beacon transmitting, “Landing corridor clear.”
  • Payot—the long curls worn by some Hasidim—aren’t a religious custom. They’re simply this season’s fashion on Planet Zion-7.
  • Hebrew reads from right to left because that’s how navigation displays work in the Andromeda Galaxy.
  • The “Chosen People” weren’t chosen by God. They were selected for the Interstellar Exchange Program.
  • “Next year in Jerusalem” isn’t a prayer. It’s the annual shuttle schedule.
  • Matzah is actually 3,500-year old space snacks.
  • Tzizit aren’t really ritual fringes. They are the remnants of the original interstellar safety harnesses.
  • Mobileye was originally invented to avoid comets.

Sounds too hard to believe? Jews introduced the world to staring up to the skies in prayer when everyone else looked straight ahead at idols.

Jeffrey Epstein and a space alien

Roswell is actually an Israeli startup incubator that experienced an unfortunate product launch.

NASA? Quietly run by rabbis since 1969.

University professors aren’t so much anti-Israel as they are frustrated that their grant proposal to study the portal was rejected.

The United Nations doesn’t pass so many resolutions about Israel because of geopolitics. It’s desperately trying to establish jurisdiction over extraterrestrial affairs.

As to Epstein being involved with underage girls: in space, it has long been legalized because of the time-gravity equation that someone that presents young on earth might in fact be quite a bit older.


Naturally, skeptics ask the same tiresome question. “If this is true, where’s the evidence?”

Exactly.

If archaeologists don’t find alien technology, that’s proof the cover-up is working. If they do find something unusual, it proves the aliens slipped up.

If experts disagree, they’ve been compromised. If experts agree, they’re coordinating.

If there is no evidence, that’s the strongest evidence of all.

As the theories converge, someone will release a multi-part podcast revealing these findings under a header “I’m just asking questions.” There will be a chart with forty-three arrows, twelve highlighted Bible verses, three satellite images, and a blurry photograph of a pigeon in Jerusalem.

Millions of people will solemnly connect the dots. They will call themselves the “idiots.”

Another voice from the void will likely ask a more subtle question: if Jews are really from space, why do they wait for the Messiah in coach in the back of the plane?

The Jewish Ghosts in the World Cup Stands

The World Cup’s final stages are being played in the United States, home to the largest Jewish community in the diaspora. Jews fill stadiums and gather in homes, bars, and public squares to cheer for their favorite teams. Many of the Jewish fans are descendants of families who fled persecution in the final four team countries, who found refuge in America.

By a remarkable twist of history, three of the four semifinalists are themselves home to three of the five largest Jewish communities in the diaspora: France (#2), the United Kingdom (#4), and Argentina (#5). Spain, whose once-great Jewish civilization was destroyed by the expulsion of 1492, today has only a small Jewish community.

The four teams were not traveling to America alone. Each arrived with ghosts.

England’s ghosts date to 1290, when King Edward I expelled all Jews from his kingdom. A Jewish community that had lived there for generations was driven out and would not officially return for more than three and a half centuries.

Spain’s ghosts carry the keys of 1492, when Ferdinand and Isabella ordered Jews to convert or leave. One of the world’s great Jewish civilizations disappeared almost overnight, scattering Sephardic communities across the Mediterranean, the Middle East, and eventually the Americas.

France’s ghosts stretch from repeated medieval expulsions to the Vichy regime, when French authorities enacted antisemitic laws and helped arrest and deport tens of thousands of Jews. They include the children rounded up in the Vel d’Hiv before being sent east.

Argentina’s ghosts are more recent. After World War II, the country became a refuge for Nazi fugitives, including Adolf Eichmann. Then, in 1994, the AMIA Jewish community center in Buenos Aires was bombed, killing 85 people. More than three decades later, those accused of orchestrating the attack have never stood trial in Argentina.

Now these four nations compete for soccer’s greatest prize before enormous crowds in the very country where so many descendants of those earlier Jewish communities ultimately built new lives.

Jewish fans cheer for England, Spain, France, and Argentina. They wear the jerseys, sing the anthems, and celebrate spectacular goals like everyone else.

But perhaps there are other spectators in the stands. Quietly observing.

The rabbi who clutched Torah scrolls as England closed its gates. A Sephardic mother who had cried as she locked the door of her home in Toledo for the last time. A Jewish child wearing a yellow star in Paris. Families standing outside the shattered AMIA building praying for loved ones.

Those ghosts would see something they could scarcely have imagined: not only the world’s largest Jewish diaspora community hosting the World Cup, but thriving Jewish communities once again in England, France, and Argentina. Against every expectation, Jewish life somehow endured.

ABBI ELI CHITRIK watches a World Cup match, wearing a traditional Orthodox Jewish hat, even as a Muslim wearing a keffiyeh is among the other fans sitting nearby.(photo credit: Rabbi Mendy Chitrik)

Then, they would whisper.

They would remind us that England, Spain, France, and Argentina were all, in their own time, places where Jews believed they belonged until history proved otherwise.

Their warning would not be that America is destined to follow the same path. History never repeats itself so neatly. Their warning would be simpler: antisemitism rarely arrives all at once. It begins with words, exclusion, indifference, and the comforting belief that it cannot happen here.

As the Jewish descendants cheer from the stands, they wonder if they are hearing voices directed at them above the roar. The whispering ghosts watch too, not only the game, but today’s generation of Jews feeling both at home and increasingly distinct from their home countries.

The soccer tournament will end on Sunday. And Jews will consider their jerseys in a very different way than every other fan, in the days and weeks after they take theirs off and have to consider life beyond the game.

Related:

Watching Jewish Ghosts (March 2018)

“Citizen Vigilante” Is Not About One Movie. It Is About What Happens When People Stop Trusting the State.

Why would a vigilante movie cause international controversy in 2026?

After all, Hollywood has been making vigilante films for more than half a century. Death Wish, Taxi Driver, The Equalizer, Taken, John Wick. Millions have watched ordinary people take justice into their own hands. Critics warned they would inspire copycats but by and large, they did not.

So why has Citizen Vigilante provoked such alarm?

Because this film is not simply about revenge. It is set against one of the most divisive political questions of our time: immigration.

The story follows a man who concludes that his government has abandoned its most basic duty: to protect its own citizens. He begins targeting migrants whom he sees as responsible for violent crime while officials either refuse or fail to act. Critics argue the film risks legitimizing violence against immigrants. Supporters respond that it dramatizes the consequences of government paralysis rather than endorsing vigilantism.

Whether one agrees with either side, the film did not emerge in a vacuum.

Across Britain, years of revelations about organized child sexual exploitation gangs – most involving men of Pakistani heritage in towns such as Rotherham, Rochdale, and other communities – left many citizens convinced that authorities failed to protect vulnerable girls and, in some instances, were reluctant to confront offenders for fear of inflaming racial tensions. The scandals produced multiple official inquiries and enduring public anger over institutional failures. For many viewers, Citizen Vigilante taps into that frustration: the fear that government sees, knows, and still does not act, while the mainstream media diverts attention away from it.

That fear is not unique to Britain. In the United States, the conflict is different but follows a similar pattern.

Immigration enforcement is primarily a federal responsibility. Yet the Biden administration allowed a constant flow of illegal immigrants to enter the US – multiple times as many who arrived legally. It was a contributing factor of Donald Trump being elected in 2024.

In response to Trump’s crackdown on illegal immigrants, liberal municipalities declared themselves “sanctuaries,” limiting cooperation with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). Federal officials argue that dangerous offenders remain because local jurisdictions refuse to honor immigration detainers. Sanctuary jurisdictions answer that they are respecting constitutional limits on federal power and preserving trust between immigrant communities and local police.

The legal arguments belong in court but the psychological consequences live in society.

When one level of government says, “We must enforce the law,” and another responds, “We will not help you,” ordinary citizens no longer see a single sovereign speaking with one voice. They see governments arguing over who bears responsibility while serious problems remain unresolved.

That is ripe ground for the vigilante to enter, not because movies create him, but because confidence in public institutions has eroded.

Every stable democracy rests on one indispensable principle: the state holds a monopoly on the legitimate use of force. Citizens may vote, petition, protest, organize, criticize, litigate, and campaign for new laws. They may not decide for themselves who should be detained, punished, expelled, or attacked. The moment private groups begin enforcing their own version of justice, the rule of law gives way to competing factions.

South Africa illustrates how quickly that line can blur. Recent anti-migrant demonstrations included many people calling for stricter enforcement of immigration law. But alongside lawful protest came reports of intimidation, assaults, and migrants fleeing violence. The movement did not remain solely a political demand. In some instances, private citizens began acting as if enforcement belonged to them.

People will seek alternatives if they begin to doubt that the government will protect them.

Consider New York’s Jewish community. Antisemitic incidents have reached historic levels in recent years. At the same time, some prominent political figures have used language that many Jews regard as deeply dehumanizing or have expressed intense hostility toward Zionism, which many Jews see as an integral part of their collective identity. When Jewish New Yorkers hear rhetoric describing Zionists as “monsters,” some inevitably ask a question that no democratic society should want its citizens to ask: If violence comes, will the government protect us with the same determination that it protects everyone else?

“He [Tarek Bazrouk] targeted these New Yorkers based on their religion and national origin. And he was undeterred by multiple arrests following these assaults, instead quickly returning to violently targeting Jews. The prosecution of this case and the sentence imposed make clear that New Yorkers will not tolerate hate-based violence and that this Office will aggressively prosecute those who perpetrate senseless crimes of hate.” – Jay Clayton, the United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York; Christopher G. Raia, the Assistant Director in Charge of the New York Field Office of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (“FBI”) October 31, 2025. Released early on June 23, 2026 under NYC DSA Mayor Zohran Mamdani


The appeal of the vigilante has never really been about revenge. It has always been about confidence. People cheer the vigilante only after they conclude that the institutions designed to provide justice have failed.

That is why the debate over Citizen Vigilante is larger than one controversial film.

It is about whether citizens still believe that governments – federal, state, and local – are willing and able to carry out their most fundamental obligation: to enforce the law fairly, protect the innocent, and maintain a single, legitimate monopoly on force.

If that confidence disappears, the next vigilante will not step out of a movie theater. He will step out of a society that has stopped believing the state will do its job.

Related:

Jews Ask for Protection. America Responds With Skepticism (May 2026)

October 7: The First Pogrom from the Global South In the Modern Era (June 2025)

CAIR Thinks Protecting Synagogues Is A Political Stunt And Waste Of Taxpayers Money (September 2024)

The DSA Is Systematically Coming For Zionist Jews (August 2023)

Politicians In Their Own Words: Why We Don’t Support Defending Jews (January 2022)

The Flag, the Staff, and the Fight for Civilization

One of the most enduring images of the American Revolution is not a musket fired at Lexington or a cannon at Yorktown. It is a flag.

“Spirit of ’76” by Archibald Willard, 1875

In paintings celebrating the American Revolution, men advance carrying banners while drummer boys beat the cadence beside them. Often these figures are unarmed or lightly armed. To a modern observer, this seems irrational. Why would an army send men into battle carrying flags and drums instead of rifles?

Because they were not there to fight but to remind others why the fight mattered.

The flag represented the regiment, the cause, and the emerging nation. The drum provided rhythm and cohesion amid the chaos of battle. Neither was a weapon. Yet both were indispensable.

While tools like weapons help achieve an objective, symbols give meaning to the objective.

The Declaration of Independence was not a weapon. Neither was the America flag. Yet without them, the American Revolution would have been little more than a military rebellion. The cause and symbols transformed a collection of armed colonists into a people united by a common purpose.

The same lesson appeared thousands of years earlier in the Torah.

Moses’ staff began as an ordinary shepherd’s stick. In Egypt it became a symbol of divine authority. It was present during the plagues, at the splitting of the sea, and throughout Israel’s journey in the wilderness.

Similarly, during the battle against Amalek, Moses stood on a hill overlooking the fighting. When he raised his hands, Israel prevailed.

The rabbis famously ask whether Moses’ hands actually won the battle. Of course not. Joshua and the soldiers were the actual fighters. Like the flag carried by a Revolutionary soldier, the Moses’ raised arms pointed upwards. It reminded the warriors that victory depended not only on military strength but on the faith that united them.

Moses’ arms raised during fight with Amalek

Unfortunately, Moses later forgot the important distinction between symbol and tool. In Numbers 20, God instructs Moses to speak to a rock to make it produce water but instead Moses used the staff to hit the rock.

“And the LORD spake unto Moses, saying, Take the tent and gather the congregation together, you and Aaron your brother, and speak to the rock before their eyes, and give them water from it,… And Moses lifted up his hand, and smote the rock with his rod, and there came out abundant water,… And the LORD said unto Moses and unto Aaron, Because ye believed me not, to sanctify me in the sight of the children of Israel, therefore ye shall not bring this congregation into the land which I have given them.”

Had Moses held the staff and spoken to the rock, it would have been clear that Moses was acting as an agent of God. However, by using the staff to hit the rock, the appearance to the congregation was that Moses produced the water through his physical actions. The important symbol was converted into a mere tool.

That temptation remains with every generation.

Today, neither America nor Israel doubts the superiority of its weapons. The United States and Israel possess military capabilities far beyond those of the jihadist movements that seek their destruction.

But this war is not only about weapons and short-term military victory.

The jihadists understand the power of symbols. They flew their flags over burned civilian homes and corpses of families. Their propaganda celebrates martyrdom of their own people. Their movements are built around vile narratives and identity.

So the engagement with the enemies must be beyond tools and include symbols.

The challenge facing America as it approaches its 250th birthday, and Israel as it continues its long war against jihadist movements sworn to its destruction, is not merely maintaining military superiority. It is ensuring that the superiority of their cause is just as visible.

For Israel, that means rebuilding the communities of the Gaza Envelope, returning families to their homes, raising the flag over places terrorists tried to erase, and celebrating Jewish life where jihadists sought death.

For America, it means reclaiming the language of the Declaration of Independence, speaking unapologetically about liberty and human rights, and using international forums not merely to condemn violence in general but to condemn noxious jihadist violence specifically.

The free world must repeatedly denounce genocidal jihadists like Hamas and Hezbollah and pass resolutions that celebrate democracy, defend religious freedom, and affirm the dignity of every human being.

The current fight matters more than military victory. It requires weapons, and also a proud display of enduring Jewish and Democratic values.

Tools win battles. Symbols sustain civilizations. They are both distinct and required at pivotal moments like today.

The War Against Jewish History. Will Come For Jews

A lecture on the archaeology of ancient Israel and Judah was supposed to take place at the British Museum this month. Instead, it was postponed after organizers learned that protesters intended to disrupt the event.

The subject was not the Gaza war nor settlements nor Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

It was archaeology.

It has happened before. In 2014, UNESCO canceled an exhibition on the Jewish people’s 3,500-year history in the Land of Israel after objections from Arab states. More recently, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas repeatedly denied that the Jewish Temples stood in Jerusalem, at one point claiming they were actually located in Yemen.

These episodes share a common thread. The dispute is no longer simply about the modern State of Israel nor its policies or actions. It is increasingly about the history of the Jewish people themselves.

Yet the evidence is overwhelming. The kingdoms of Israel and Judah are among the best-documented societies of the ancient Near East. Their existence is attested through inscriptions, seals, coins, manuscripts, monuments, and the records of neighboring civilizations. The British Museum itself houses artifacts that tell this story.

Seal of King Hezekiah found in Jerusalem, around 700 BCE

That is why archaeology poses such a problem for those who seek to portray Jews as foreign interlopers – colonizers – with no ancient connection to the land. Artifacts cannot be pressured into changing their testimony. Every discovery points in the same direction: the Jewish story in the Land of Israel stretches back thousands of years, before the births of Jesus and Mohammed.

Few people would tolerate a museum debating whether ancient Egypt existed or whether Rome stood in Italy. Yet Jewish history is increasingly treated as uniquely negotiable.

Curiously and alarmingly, the protest at the British Museum had a much more immediate backdrop than the current war. This talk was to take place during Jewish Culture Month and the protestors were assembled by an anti-Israel group called “Jewish Artists for Palestine.” The museum’s efforts to highlight Jewish history in the land of Israel during a period of focus on Jewish culture brought out Jewish anti-Israel protestors.


Institutions are backing away from Jewish history and culture with the backing of fringe extremist Jews and anti-Israel Arabs. So basic history becomes debate, and the debate has moved from the policies of the Israeli government to Jews themselves.

The Nazis physically annihilated the Jews of Europe as it sought to place their culture as historical artifacts in museums. Now, museums and institutions seek to erase Jewish history and culture as a prelude to eradicating Jews in the Middle East.

Jews Ask for Protection. America Responds With Skepticism

For most Americans, armed guards outside synagogues still look unsettling. For Jews, they have become background scenery. And increasingly, so has something else: being mocked for wanting the guards there in the first place.

Security cameras and hardened doors. Police details and lockdown drills. Volunteers scanning crowds during services. This is now ordinary Jewish life in America.

Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh, PA, scene of a mass shooting attack

And yet, at the very moment Jews are hardening schools and synagogues because they are under threat, influential voices across media, activist circles, and politics increasingly frame Jewish fear itself as manufactured.

Federal authorities recently uncovered what prosecutors describe as an Iran-linked terror network targeting Jews and synagogues across the United States and Europe. According to the allegations, operatives connected to Kata’ib Hezbollah coordinated surveillance and attack planning against Jewish institutions in New York, California, Arizona, London, Amsterdam, and Toronto.

The response from much of the cultural left was not moral clarity about why Jewish institutions feel endangered. Instead, the familiar machinery of minimization immediately activated.

Last Week Tonight with John Oliver aired a lengthy segment mocking undercover counterterror operations and emphasizing cases where authorities supposedly manufactured extremists through entrapment. The timing could hardly have been more revealing. Jews hear about Iranian proxy terror targeting synagogues while elite comedy television reassures audiences that perhaps the greater danger is excessive concern about terrorism.

At the same time, activist organizations like CAIR and civil-liberties groups fought efforts to create limited buffer zones around synagogues facing aggressive intimidation and harassment. Senators questioning Jewish witnesses during campus antisemitism hearings increasingly sounded less interested in confronting hatred than in interrogating whether Jews were exaggerating it.

The pattern repeats constantly. Jews are under attack and ask for protection. Influential institutions respond by interrogating whether Jews are too afraid and therefore undeserving of any support.

No other minority group is treated this way. If Black churches increased security after racist attacks, nobody would accuse them of hysteria. If mosques hardened entrances after terror threats, commentators would call it prudent. If Asian community centers hired guards after targeted violence, politicians would praise vigilance.

Only Jews are routinely told their fear may itself be socially dangerous.

That is what makes this moment so disturbing. Jews are not simply confronting rising antisemitism. They are confronting a cultural elite increasingly uncomfortable acknowledging why Jewish security measures became necessary in the first place.

So instead of confronting the ideology threatening Jews, many commentators, activists, and politicians redirect attention toward the people trying to protect them. The synagogue barrier becomes controversial. The undercover operation becomes suspicious. The frightened Jewish parent becomes the problem – a Chaya/Karen – to deconstruct. Much as Israel’s security barrier built to stop West Bank terrorists has been labeled by the alt-left an “apartheid wall,” they are broadly inverting Jewish defensive measures into offensive ones.

Let’s be clear: a society that grows more skeptical of synagogue security than synagogue attackers has lost its moral bearings.

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When Jews Are Attacked, The New York Times Worries About Jihadists (March 2026)